The Third Wave

Students of religion and culture have traditionally divided American society into two camps: liberal and conservative. Liberalism, whether in modernistic or post-modernistic garb, believes that truth is time and culturally conditioned; to the degree that transcendent truth exists or is discoverable, it should be interpreted and developed in the light of the beliefs, desires, and needs of each generation. Liberalism is suspicious of the Bible-thumper and classical scholar alike; each in his own way represses the spirit of the age and retards the progressive movement of the race toward post-religious enlightenment and freedom from the authoritarian claims of the past. Conservatism, on the other hand, ostensibly believes in the timelessness of truth; at some point in the past, truth existed and continues to have relevance and authority in the present. The past, however, is generally conceived as better than the present, which conservatives generally view as a period of declension. Conservatism is generally suspicious of new ideas and philosophies, clings doggedly to the "tried and true," and hopes at some level to invade the present with the past. Thus, liberalism says, "Let us move forward, free from the shackles of the past," to which conservatism objects, "Let us look back, for the present is a mess."

I am not at all certain that this is the best division for understanding American life, whether considered politically or ecclesiastically. For one thing, liberals and conservatives have more in common than one might suppose if he evaluates them purely in terms of labels and parties. In the past and present, liberals and conservatives have often functioned, either explicitly or implicitly, as if the primary order is the political order. Hence, the test of truth has often been "what works" or makes the world a better place. This explains why both liberals and conservatives in the church have willingly jettisoned the specifics and reduced the claims of constitutional documents and doctrinal systems in order to achieve societal ends considered more desirable than truth. Or perhaps, these ends are the truth, at least for this time and situation. When evangelicals, for example, are willing to seek broad ecumenical unity with other bodies that deny fundamental aspects of the gospel, "unity" is valued over "truth," or, the perceived value of outward unity is more important than commitment to truth. The religious right is a particularly pertinent example of this sort of thinking. "Conservative" candidates are endorsed because it is perceived that they will work toward desirable social and political ends. That they do not profess many of the doctrines held by their religious supporters and even deny them are facts willing to be overlooked because of a pressing social or cultural need.

Perhaps a more personal example is in order. Evangelicalism, which is hard to define but may be broadly considered as the sections of Protestantism that still defend the authority of the Bible, stress the duty of personal evangelism, and uphold that "Jesus is the only way to salvation," purports to believe in transcendent truth. Yet most of its adherents have a very low interest, if any, in doctrinal formulations, creeds, and theology. "No creed but Christ" is the cry of many evangelicals. What takes the place of truth? The simple answer is "what works." This is why evangelical believers are constantly looking for something new, something to meet the perceived needs of the "heart," something to make my life better. Evangelicalism manifests very little commitment to the practical sufficiency and authority of the Bible. I need to feel better, closer to Jesus, more confident that I am becoming a more fulfilled person. Truth is typically thrust out the door in favor of church programs, emotionalism, and charismatic leadership. Thus, in much of evangelicalism, the chief value of religion is its practical impact upon the individual, upon what works, and upon how I feel.
What liberals and conservatives have in common is the belief that the primary value of religion is its "cash value," whether considered as a platform for a "moral society," to reform cultural sins, or to improve the individual’s sense of self-worth and purpose. Their desired ends differ more or less depending upon the persons or issues involved, but their methods are the same. Politics for both has often become a tool of religion. Religion, more tragically, has become a pawn to further the interests of politics. In either scenario, Christianity is politicized, and its message muted. Religion, according to both, should be useful to society, relevant to society, and dominant in society. It should make people better, marriages better, sex better, and science better. This tendency, whether conservatism’s drive for a "Christian" or "Protestant" America, or liberalism’s desire for social justice, racial harmony, and universal tolerance, will continue to make some very odd bedfellows, especially as the monster of secularism continues to feed upon the poisonous food chain of social Darwinism, moral relativism, and statism.
That conservatism and liberalism are wholly inadequate categories of description and of practice may be seen by the recent response to the massacre at Virginia Tech. You will notice that the almost immediate response of conservatives and liberals, in the church and outside, revolved around government. Liberals want stricter gun control; conservatives want everyone to be armed. Liberals and conservatives believe government should take a more active role in responding to mental disorders. The political maneuvering has already begun in earnest. This event, like every other in our society, has turned into a political free-for-all, with partisans jockeying for position, for power, and for plunder. The entire response has been governmental - how the government should respond, what it must do to protect us from these sorts of tragedies. The common "answer" to this shooting vividly illustrates that conservatives and liberals, whether in the broader society or in the church, share a fundamental methodology. The only real truth is what will work and improve society. And government will play the leading role in the solution. The pulpits this Sunday will undoubtedly resound with calls for an improved society. Liberal and conservative goals will differ in what this entails, but they will be methodologically united - religion should be used politically, and politics should be used religiously.

There is another option, a third wave. Let us call this confessionalism. Confessionalism maintains the existence of truth independently of man’s recognition, reception, or appreciation. Against liberalism and conservatism, it affirms that neither the spirit of the age nor the treasures of the past is the measure of truth and duty. It denies that truth should be measured by its so-called "cash value," immediate relevance to pressing social concerns, or its perceived ability to make something better. It absolutely resists the tendency to evaluate the usefulness of religion in terms of its usefulness to the state, or the usefulness of the state in terms of its usefulness to a particular religious sect. It resists the tendency to blur the lines between church and state by confusing their distinct purposes, functions, and spheres of authority. It affirms both as ordained by God for his glory and man’s good; both are strictly accountable to him. Confessionalists do not, moreover, immediately think of government whenever there is a crisis in society.
Confessionalism affirms that God has spoken objectively, authoritatively, and sufficiently in his Son, the living and incarnate Word, the Lord Jesus Christ, in the Old Testament Scriptures, which Jesus Christ authoritatively reaffirmed in their totality, and in the New Testament Scriptures, which the Holy Spirit inspired the apostles to write. Some of the truths God has revealed are not intended primarily to make our lives or society better. They will do this, but indirectly as we build our individual and cultural experience upon the truth of God. Doctrines such as God’s sovereignty, justice, holiness, and love, while they certainly have enormous practical implications, are given to reveal the glory and majesty of God. They are intended to teach us the God-centeredness of life, of history, and of the universe. Their design is to elevate man’s soul, enlighten his mind, and reform his appetites. Confessionalists believe very strongly that it is pointless to speak about reforming anything unless we understand our foundation and are committed to the truth of God.
Thus, Confessionalists are very stubborn about things like creeds, doctrinal statements, and worship practices. This is not the result of personal obtuseness or historical stagnation. While the Bible alone is infallible, God by his Spirit has been working in and through the church for many centuries, giving insight into the meaning of Scripture and unifying God’s people in their understanding of his truth. His work continues in the present. Confessionalists deny that we are faithful to God’s truth by forging ecclesiastical or political unions with men who deny central tenets of God’s word. Nor can we accommodate the spirit of the age in worship, church polity, or doctrine. We must certainly interact with the new teachings, endeavor to understand them honestly, and recognize truth when God is pleased to grant it. But the measuring rod is not "what works." Our program does not require revolutionary changes simply because sinners get themselves into trouble. What is required, the Confessionalist maintains, is for the church to continue to function as the pillar and ground of the truth, calling men back to God and his revelation as the only source of wisdom and knowledge, proclaiming to all men the necessity of faith toward God and repentance toward Jesus Christ. As the church, we abdicate our high calling when we align ourselves with any particular political party, look to the state to do what only the church can do, or adopt a pragmatic theory of truth. The spirit of our age is not to be followed - it is to be confronted and transformed.
The lessons of history and the needs of the moment require one thing - the faithfulness of the church to the great commission of her Savior. He reigns, Confessionalists maintain. All power in heaven and earth has been given to him. The problems created by a secular society are not due to our inability o discover the key to modern life. They are the result of modern men not submitting to the enthroned King and his all-sufficient word. It is useless to align with ostensibly friendly men and institutions whose philosophies are part of the problem. It is pointless to look to a government for answers when it is in rebellion against the Lord of glory. According to the Confessionalist, because the King reigns, the church is to teach all the nations all the things Christ has commanded. Truth alone will save the world - not programs, feelings, what works, or governments. And in this noble calling, we have every confidence of success, says the Confessionalist, because Jesus Christ, the enthroned King, is present with us in glory, power, and wisdom until the end of the world. The nations will be discipled because Christ is King.
Accordingly, an immediately pressing issue such as the Virginia Tech shootings can be understood along one of two lines. Liberals and conservatives alike would have us look to government, or find some new truth that works to stop things like this from happening. Some of their suggestions may have temporary merit, but the depth of the problem can only be understood by our second option, Confessionalism. This event was ordained by God for his glory and our good. Our good is likely judgment calling us to repentance, to turn from our rebellion against the King and build our lives upon his truth. It is not the result of a mental disorder but of rebellion, for which the only remedy is the blood of Jesus Christ and the rescuing work of the Holy Spirit. More guns cannot beat depravity; less guns cannot beat depravity. Only the enthroned Savior has the power to dethrone man’s rebellion, open the prison doors of the captives, and restore men to peace and righteousness.
This is the hour for Confessionalism to resume its leadership in the world, for the church to recover her commitment to the truth of God’s word and her unique identity as the pillar and ground of the truth, the divinely established institution through which God has determined to bring life and salvation to the world. Liberalism and conservatism are burned out, impotent. At some level men sense this, that both parties, in church and state, advocate bigger government and less individual responsibility. Together they are moving us farther from the solid foundations of the past and toward a future of historical oblivion. Neither has the answer. The only "answer" is the apostolic answer - the church must warn and teach every man the things of God’s word. God’s word is imminently practical; it does work. It only works, however, if we submit to God as the source of truth and wisdom, forsake our own wisdom, and build our lives upon Jesus Christ, the chief cornerstone of the only foundation.

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